The Competitiveness of Nations in a Global Knowledge-Based Economy
Julian JaynesUniversity of Toronto
Press
Content Introduction: The Problem of Consciousness Consciousness as a Property of Matter Consciousness as a Property of Protoplasm Consciousness as Metaphysical Imposition Consciousness as the Reticular Activating System Chapter 6: The Auguries of Science
BOOK ONE Chapter 1: The Consciousness of Consciousness The Extensiveness of Consciousness Consciousness Not a Copy of Experience Consciousness Not Necessary for Concepts Consciousness Not Necessary for Learning Consciousness Not Necessary for Thinking |
The Problem of
Consciousness
And where did it come from?
And why?
Few questions have endured longer or traversed a more perplexing history than this, the problem of consciousness and its place in nature. Despite centuries of pondering and experiment, of trying to get together two supposed entities called mind and matter in one age, subject and object in another, or soul and body in still others, despite endless discoursing on the streams, states, or contents of consciousness, of distinguishing terms like intuitions, sense data, the given, raw feels, the sensa, presentations and representations, the sensations, images, and affections of structuralist introspections, the evidential data of the scientific positivist, phenomenological fields, the apparitions of Hobbes, the phenomena of Kant, the appearances of the idealist, the elements of Mach, the phanera of Peirce, or the category errors of Ryle, in
1
spite of all of these, the problem of consciousness is still with us.
Something about it keeps returning,
not taking a solution.
It is the difference that will not go away, the difference between what others see of us and our sense of our inner selves and the deep feelings that sustain it. The difference between the you-and-me of the shared behavioral world and the unlocatable location of things thought about. Our reflections and dreams, and the imaginary conversations we have with others, in which never-to-be-known-by-anyone we excuse, defend, proclaim our hopes and regrets, our futures and our pasts, all this thick fabric of fancy is so absolutely different from handable, standable, kickable reality with its trees, grass, tables, oceans, hands, stars - even brains! How is this possible? How do these ephemeral existences of our lonely experience fit into the ordered array of nature that somehow surrounds and engulfs this core of knowing?
Men have been conscious of the problem of consciousness almost since consciousness began. And each age has described consciousness in terms of its own theme and concerns. In the golden age of Greece, when men traveled about in freedom while slaves did the work, consciousness was as free as that. Heraclitus, in particular, called it an enormous space whose boundaries, even by traveling along every path, could never be found out. [1] A millennium later, Augustine among the caverned hills of Carthage was astonished at the “mountains and hills of my high imaginations,” “the plains and caves and caverns of my memory” with its recesses of “manifold and spacious chambers, wonderfully furnished with unnumberable stores.” [2] Note how the metaphors of mind are the world it perceive.
The first half of the nineteenth century was the age of the great geological discoveries in which the record of the past was written in layers of the earth’s crust. And this led to the popularization of the idea of consciousness as being in layers which
1. Diels, Fragments 45.
2. Confessions, 9:7, 10:26,65.
2
recorded the past of the individual, there being deeper and deeper layers
until the record could no longer be read. This emphasis on the unconscious grew
until by 1875 most psychologists were insisting that consciousness was but a
small part of mental life, and that unconscious sensations, unconscious ideas,
and unconscious judgments made up the majority of mental
processes. [3
In the middle of the nineteenth century chemistry succeeded geology as the fashionable science, and consciousness from James Mill to Wundt and his students, such as Titchener, was the compound structure that could be analyzed in the laboratory into precise elements of sensations and feelings.
And as steam locomotives chugged their way into the pattern of everyday life toward the end of the nineteenth century, so they too worked their way into the consciousness of consciousness, the subconscious becoming a boiler of straining energy which demanded manifest outlets and when repressed pushed up and out into neurotic behavior and the spinning camouflaged fulfillments of going-nowhere dreams.
There is not much we can do about such metaphors except to state that that is precisely what they are.
Now originally, this search into the nature of consciousness was known as the mind-body problem, heavy with its ponderous philosophical solutions. But since the theory of evolution, it has bared itself into a more scientific question. It has become the problem of the origin of mind, or, more specifically, the origin of consciousness in evolution. Where can this subjective experience which we introspect upon, this constant companion of hosts of associations, hopes, fears, affections, knowledges, colors, smells, toothaches, thrills, tickles, pleasures, distresses, and desires - where and how in evolution could all this wonderful tapestry of inner experience have evolved? How can we derive this inwardness out of mere matter? And if so, when?
3. For a statement of this effect, see. G.H. Lewes,
The Physical Basis of Mind (London, Trubuner, 1877),
p.365.
3
This problem has been at the very center of the thinking of the twentieth
century. And it will be worthwhile
here to briefly look at some of the solutions that have been proposed. I shall mention the eight that I think
are most important.
Consciousness as a Property of Matter
The most extensive possible solution is attractive mostly to physicists.
It states that the succession of
subjective states that we feel in introspection has a continuity that stretches
all the way back through phylogenetic evolution and beyond into a fundamental
property of interacting matter. The
relationship of consciousness to what we are conscious of is not fundamentally
different from the relationship of a tree to the ground in which it is rooted,
or even of the gravitational relationship between two celestial bodies. This view was conspicuous in the first
quarter of this century. What
Alexander called compresence or Whitehead called prehension provided the
groundwork of a monism that moved on into a flourishing school called
Neo-Realism. If a piece of chalk is
dropped on the lecture table, that interaction of chalk and table is different
only in complexity from the perceptions and knowledges that fill our minds.
The chalk knows the table just as
the table knows the chalk. That is
why the chalk stops at the table.
This is something of a caricature of a very subtly worked out position, but it nevertheless reveals that this difficult theory is answering quite the wrong question. We are not trying to explain how we interact with our environment, but rather the particular experience that we have in introspecting. The attractiveness of this kind of neo-realism was really a part of an historical epoch when the astonishing successes of particle physics were being talked of everywhere. The solidity of matter was being dissolved into mere mathematical relationships in space, and this seemed like the same unphysical quality as the relationship of individuals conscious of each other.
4
Consciousness as a Property of Protoplasm
The next most extensive solution asserts that consciousness is not in matter per se; rather it is the fundamental property of all living things. It is the very irritability of the smallest one-celled animals that has had a continuous and glorious evolution up through coelenterates, the protochordates, fish, amphibians, reptiles, and mammals to man.
A wide variety of nineteenth- and twentieth-century scientists, including Charles Darwin and E. B. Titchener, found this thesis unquestionable, initiating in the first part of this century a great deal of excellent observation of lower organisms. The search for rudimentary consciousnesses was on. Books with titles such as The Animal Mind or The Psychic Life of Micro-Organisms were eagerly written and eagerly read. [4] And anyone who observes amoebas hunting food or responding to various stimuli, or paramecia avoiding obstacles or conjugating, will know the almost passionate temptation to apply human categories to such behavior.
And this brings us to a very important part of the problem - our sympathy and identification with other living things. Whatever conclusions we may hold on the matter, it is certainly a part of our consciousness to ‘see’ into the consciousness of others, to identify with our friends and families so as to imagine what they are thinking and feeling. And so if animals are behaving such as we would in similar situations, so well are we trained in our human sympathies that it requires a particular vigor of mind to suppress such identifications when they are not warranted. The explanation for our imputing consciousness to protozoa is simply that we make this common and misleading identification. Yet the explanation for their behavior resides entirely in physical chemistry, not in introspective psychology.
Even in animals with synaptic nervous systems, the tendency
4. By Margaret Floy Washburn, a Titchenerian, and by
Alfred Binet respectively. The real
classic in the field of early evolved animals is H. S. Jennings, Behavior
of the Lower Organisms (New York: Macmillan,
1906).
5
to read consciousness into their behavior comes more from ourselves than
from our observations. Most people
will identify with a struggling worm. But as every boy who has baited a fish
hook knows, if a worm is cut in two, the front half with its primitive brain
seems not to mind as much as the back half, which writhes in ‘agony’.[5]
But surely if the worm felt
pain as we do, surely it would be the part with the brain that would do the
agonizing. The agony of the tail
end is our agony, not the worm’s; its writhing is a mechanical release
phenomenon, the motor nerves in the tail end firing in volleys at being
disconnected from their normal inhibition by the cephalic
ganglion.
To make consciousness coextensive with protoplasm leads, of course, to a discussion of the criterion by which consciousness can be inferred. And hence a third solution, which states that consciousness began not with matter, nor at the beginning of animal life, but at some specific time after life had evolved. It seemed obvious to almost all the active investigators of the subject that the criterion of when and where in evolution consciousness began was the appearance of associative memory or learning. If an animal could modify its behavior on the basis of its experience, it must be having an experience; it must be conscious. Thus, if one wished to study the evolution of consciousness, one simply studied the evolution of learning.
This was indeed how I began my search for the origin of consciousness. My first experimental work was a youthful attempt to produce signal learning (or a conditional response) in an especially long suffering mimosa plant. The signal was an intense light; the response was the drooping of a leaf to a care
5. Since an earthworm ‘writhes’ from the tactile
stimulation of simply being handled, the experiment is best performed with a
razor blade as the worm is crawling over some hard ground or a board. The unbelieving and squeamish may
suppress their anguish with the consciousness that they are helping the worm
population (and therefore the robin population) since both ends
regenerate.
6
fully calibrated tactile stimulus where it joined the stem. After over a thousand pairings of the
light and the tactile stimulus, my patient plant was as green as ever. It was not
conscious.
That expected failure behind me, I moved on to protozoa, delicately
running individual paramecia in a T-maze engraved in wax on black Bakelite,
using direct current shock to punish the animal and spin it around if it went to
the incorrect side. If paramecia
could learn, I felt they had to be conscious. Moreover I was extremely interested in
what would happen to the learning (and the consciousness) when the animal
divided. A first suggestion of
positive results was not borne out in later replications. After other failures to find learning in
the lower phyla, I moved on to species with synaptic nervous systems, flatworms,
earthworms, fish, and reptiles, which could indeed learn, all on the naive
assumption that I was chronicling the grand evolution of
consciousness. [6
Ridiculous! It was, I fear, several years before I realized that this assumption makes no sense at all. When we introspect, it is not upon any bundle of learning processes, and particularly not the types of learning denoted by conditioning and T-mazes. Why then did so many worthies in the lists of science equate consciousness and learning? And why had I been so lame of mind as to follow them?
The reason was the presence of a kind of huge historical neurosis. Psychology has many of them. And one of the reasons that the history of science is essential to the study of psychology is that it. is the only way to get out of and above such intellectual disorders. The school of psychology known as Associationism in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries had been so attractively presented and so peopled with prestigious champions that its basic error had become imbedded in common thought and lan
6. For the most recent discussion of this important but
methodologically difficult problem of the evolution of learning, see M. E. Bitterman’s Thorndike Centenary Address, “The Comparative Analysis of Learning,”
Science, 1975, 188 :699—709.
Other references may be found in R. A. Hinde’s Animal Behavior,
2nd ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 5970), particularly pp.
658—663.
7
guage. That error was, and still is, that consciousness is an actual space inhabited by elements called sensations and ideas, and the association of these elements because they are like each other, or because they have been made by the external world to occur together, is indeed what learning is and what the mind is all about. So learning and consciousness are confused and muddled up with that vaguest of terms, experience.
It is this confusion that lingered unseen behind my first struggles with
the problem, as well as the huge emphasis on animal learning in the first half
of the twentieth century. But it is
now absolutely clear that in evolution the origin of learning and the origin of
consciousness are two utterly separate problems. We shall be demonstrating this assertion
with more evidence in the next chapter.
Consciousness as a Metaphysical Imposition
All. the theories I have so far mentioned begin in the assumption that consciousness evolved biologically by simple natural selection. But another position denies that such an assumption is even possible.
Is this consciousness, it asks, this enormous influence of ideas, principles, beliefs over our lives and actions, really derivable from animal behavior? Alone of species, all alone! we try to understand ourselves and the world. We become rebels or patriots or martyrs on. the basis of ideas. We build Chartres and computers, write poems and tensor equations, play chess and quartets, sail ships to other planets and listen in to other galaxies - what have these to do with rats in mazes or the threat displays of baboons? The continuity hypothesis of Darwin for the evolution of mind is a very suspicious totem of evolutionary mythology. [7] The yearning for. certainty which grails the scientist, the aching beauty
7. To demonstrate such continuity was the purpose of
Darwin’s second most important work, The Descant of
Man.
8
which harasses the artist, the sweet thorn of justice which fierces the rebel from the eases of life, or the thrill of exultation with which we hear of true acts of that now difficult virtue of courage, of cheerful endurance of hopeless suffering - are these really derivable from matter? Or even continuous with the idiot hierarchies of speechless apes?
The chasm is awesome. The emotional lives of men and of other mammals are indeed marvelously similar. But to focus upon the similarity unduly is to forget that such a chasm exists at all. The intellectual life of man, his culture and history and religion and science, is different from anything else we know of in the universe. That is fact. It is as if all life evolved to a certain point, and then in ourselves turned at a right angle and simply exploded in a different direction.
The appreciation of this discontinuity between the apes and speaking civilized ethical intellectual men has led many scientists back to a metaphysical view. The interiority of consciousness just could not in any sense be evolved by natural selection out of mere assemblages of molecules and cells. There has to be more to human evolution than mere matter, chance, and survival. Something must be added from outside of this closed system to account for something so different as consciousness.
Such thinking began with the beginning of modern evolutionary theory, particularly in the work of Alfred Russel Wallace, the codiscoverer of the theory of natural selection. Following their twin announcements of the theory in 1858, both Darwin and Wallace struggled like Laocoöns with the serpentine problem of human evolution and its encoiling difficulty of consciousness. But where Darwin clouded the problem with his own naiveté, seeing only continuity in evolution, Wallace could not do so. The discontinuities were terrifying and absolute. Man’s conscious faculties, particularly, “could not possibly have been developed by means of the same laws which have determined the progressive development of the organic world in general, and also of man’s
9
physical organism.” [8] He felt the evidence showed that
some metaphysical force had directed evolution at three different points: the
beginning of life, the beginning of consciousness, and the beginning of
civilized culture. Indeed, it is
partly because Wallace insisted on spending the latter part of his life
searching in vain among the seances of spiritualists for evidence of such
metaphysical imposition that his name is not as well known as is Darwin’s as the
discoverer of evolution by natural selection. Such endeavors were not acceptable to the
scientific Establishment. To
explain consciousness by metaphysical imposition seemed to be stepping outside
the rules of natural science. And
that indeed was the problem, how to explain consciousness in terms of natural
science alone.
In reaction to such metaphysical speculations, there grew up through this
early period of evolutionary thinking an increasingly materialist view. It was a position more consistent with
straight natural selection. It even
had inherent in it that acrid pessimism that is sometimes curiously
associated with really hard science. This doctrine assures us consciousness
does nothing at all, and in fact can do nothing. Many tough-minded experimentalists still
agree with Herbert Spencer that such a downgrading of consciousness is the only
view that is consistent with straight evolutionary theory. Animals are evolved; nervous systems and
their mechanical reflexes increase in complexity; when some unspecifled degree
of nervous complexity is reached, consciousness appears, and so begins its
futile course as a helpless spectator of cosmic events.
What we do is completely controlled by the wiring diagram of the brain
and its reflexes to external stimuli. Consciousness is
not
8 Darwinism, an Exposition of the Theory of Natural
Selection (London: Macmillan, 1889), p. 475 see also Wallace’s Contributions to
the Theory of Natural Selection, Ch. 10.
10
more than the heat given off by the wires, a mere epiphenomenon. Conscious feelings, as Hodgson put it,
are mere colors laid on the surface of a mosaic which is held together by its
stones, not by the colors. [9] Or as Huxley insisted in a famous
essay, “we are conscious automata.” [10] Consciousness can no more modify the
working mechanism of the body or its behavior than can the whistle of a train
modify its machinery or where it goes. Moan as it will, the tracks have
long ago decided where the train will go. Consciousness is the melody that floats
from the harp and cannot pluck its strings, the foam struck raging from the
river that cannot change its course, the shadow that loyally walks step for step
beside the pedestrian, but is quite unable to influence his
journey.
It is William James who has given the best discussion of the conscious automaton theory. [11] His argument here is a little like Samuel Johnson’s downing philosophical idealism by kicking a stone and crying, “I refute it thus!” It is just plain inconceivable that consciousness should have nothing to do with a business which it so faithfully attends. If consciousness is the mere impotent shadow of action, why is it more intense when action is most hesitant? And why are we least conscious when doing something most habitual? Certainly this seesawing relationship between consciousness and actions is something that any theory of consciousness must explain.
The doctrine of emergent evolution was very specifically welcomed into
court to rescure consciousness from this undignified
9. Shadworth, Hodgson, The Theory of Practice (London:
Longmans Green, 1870), 1:456.
10. And volitions merely symbols of
brain-states. T.H. Huxley,
Collected Essays (New York: Appleton, 1896), Vol. 1, p.
244.
11. William James, Principles of Psychology (New
York: Holt, 1890), Vol. 1, Ch. 5), but also see William McDougall, Body and
Mind (London: Methuen, 1911), Chs. 11, 12.
11
position as a mere helpless spectator. It was also designed to explain scientifically the observed evolutionary discontinuities that had been the heart of the metaphysical imposition argument. And when I first began to study it some time ago, I, too, felt with a shimmering flash how everything, the problem of consciousness and all, seemed to shiveringly fall into accurate and wonderful place.
Its main idea is a metaphor: Just as the property of wetness cannot be
derived from the properties of hydrogen and oxygen alone, so consciousness
emerged at some point in evolution in a way underivable from its constituent
parts.
While this simple idea goes back to John Stuart Mill and G. H. Lewes, it
was Lloyd Morgan’s version in his Emergent Evolution of 1923 that
really captured the cheering. This
book is a thoroughgoing scheme of emergent evolution vigorously carried all the
way back into the physical realm. All the properties of matter have emerged
from some unspecified forerunner. Those of complex chemical compounds have
emerged from the conjunction of simpler chemical components. Properties distinctive of living things
have emerged from the conjunctions of these complex molecules. And consciousness emerged from living
things. New conjunctions bring
about new kinds of relatedness which bring about new emergents. So the new emergent properties are in
each case effectively related to the systems from which they emerge. In fact, the new relations emergent at
each higher level guide and sustain the course of events distinctive of that
level. Consciousness, then, emerges
as something genuinely new at a critical stage of evolutionary advance. When it has emerged, it guides the
course of events in the brain and has causal efficacy in bodily
behavior.
The whoop with which this antireductionist doctrine was greeted by the majority of prominent biological and comparative psychologists, frustrated dualists all, was quite undignified. Biologists called it a new Declaration of Independence from physics and chemistry. “No longer can the biologist be bullied into sup-
12
pressing observed results because they are not discovered nor expected
from work on the non-living. Biology becomes a science in its own
right.” Prominent
neurologists agreed that now we no longer had to think of consciousness as
merely dancing an assiduous but futile attendance upon our brain processes. [12 ] The origin of consciousness seemed
to have been pointed at in such a way as to restore consciousness to its usurped
throne as the governor of behavior and even to promise new and unpredictable
emergents in the future.
But had it? If consciousness
emerged in evolution, when? In what
species? What kind of a nervous
system is necessary? And as the
first flush of a theoretical breakthrough waned, it was seen that nothing about
the problem had really changed. It
is these specifics that need to be answered. What is wrong about emergent evolution is
not the doctrine, but the release back into old comfortable ways of thinking
about consciousness and behavior, the license that it gives to broad and vacuous
generalities.
Historically, it is of interest here to note that all this dancing in the
aisles of biology over emergent evolution was going on at the same time that a
stronger, less-educated doctrine with a rigorous experimental campaign was
beginning its robust conquest of psychology. Certainly one way of solving the problem
of consciousness and its place in nature is to deny that consciousness exists at
all.
It is an interesting exercise to sit down and try to be conscious of what
it means to say that consciousness does not exist. History has not recorded whether or not
this feat was attempted by the early behaviorists. But it has recorded everywhere and in
large
12. The quote here is from H. S. Jennings and the
paraphrase from C. Judson Herrick. For these and other reactions to emergent
evolution, see F. Mason, Creation by Evolution (London: Duckworth, 1928)
and W. McDougall, Modern Materialism and Emergent Evolution (New York:
Van Nostrand, 1929).
13
the enormous influence which the doctrine that consciousness does not
exist has had on psychology in this century.
And this is behaviorism. Its
roots rummage far back into the musty history of thought, to the so-called
Epicureans of the eighteenth century and before, to attempts to generalize
tropisms from plants to animals to man, to movements called Objectivism, or more
particularly, Actionism. For it was
Knight Dunlap’s attempt to teach the latter to an excellent but aweless animal
psychologist, John B. Watson, that resulted in a new word, Behaviorism.13
At first, it was very similar
to the helpless spectator theory we have already examined. Consciousness just was not important in
animals. But after a World War and
a little invigorating opposition, behaviorism charged out into the intellectual
arena with the snorting assertion that consciousness is nothing at
all.
What a startling doctrine! But the really surprising thing is that,
starting off almost as a flying whim, it grew into a movement that occupied
center stage in psychology from about 1920 to 1960. The external reasons for the sustained
triumph of such a peculiar position are both fascinating and complex. Psychology at the time was trying to
wriggle out of philosophy into a separate academic discipline and used
behaviorism to do so. The immediate
adversary of behaviorism, Titchenerian introspectionism, was a pale and effete
opponent, based as it was on a false analogy between consciousness and
chemistry. The toppled idealism
after World War I created a revolutionary age demanding new philosophies. The intriguing successes of physics and
general technology presented both a model and a means that seemed more
compatible with behaviorism. The
world was weary and
13. For a less ad. hominern picture of the
beginnings of behaviorism, see John C. Burnham, “On the origins of behaviorism.”
Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, 1968, 4:
143-151. And for a good
discussion, Richard Herrnstein’s “Introduction to John B. Watson’s Comparative
Psychology” in Historical Conceptions of Psychology, M. Henle, J.
Jaynes, and J. J. Sullivan, eds. (New York: Springer, 5974),
98—115.
14
wary of subjective thought and longed for objective fact. And in America objective fact was
pragmatic fact. Behaviorism
provided this in psychology. It
allowed a new generation to sweep aside with one impatient gesture all the
worn-out complexities of the problem of consciousness and its origin. We would turn over a new leaf. We would make a fresh
start.
And the fresh start was a success in one laboratory after another. But the single inherent reason for its
success was not its truth, but its program. And what a truly vigorous and exciting
program of research it was! with its gleaming stainless-steel promise of
reducing all conduct to a handful of reflexes and conditional responses
developed from them, of generalizing the spinal reflex terminology of stimulus
and response and reinforcement to the puzzles of headed behavior and so seeming
to solve them, of running rats through miles and miles of mazes into more
fascinating mazes of objective theorems, and its pledge, its solemn pledge to
reduce thought to muscle twitches and personality to the woes of Little
Albert.14 In all this
there was a heady excitement that is difficult to relate at this remove. Complexity would be made simple, darkness
would be made light, and philosophy would be a thing of the
past.
From the outside, this revolt against consciousness seemed to storm the ancient citadels of human thought and set its arrogant banners up in one university after another. But having once been a part of its major school, I confess it was not really what it seemed. Off the printed page, behaviorism was only a refusal to talk about consciousness. Nobody really believed he was not conscious. And there was a very real hypocrisy abroad, as those interested in its problems were forcibly excluded from academic psychology, as text after text tried to smother the unwanted problem from student view. In essence, behaviorism was a method, not the theory that it tried to be. And as a method, it
14. The unfortunate subject of Watson’s experiments on
conditioned fear.
15
exorcised old ghosts. It
gave psychology a thorough house cleaning. And now the closets have been swept out
and the cupboards washed and aired, and we are ready to examine the problem
again.
Consciousness as the Reticular Activating
System
But before doing so, one final approach, a wholly different approach, and one that has occupied me most recently, the nervous system. How often in our frustrations with trying to solve the mysteries of mind do we comfort our questions with anatomy, real or fancied, and think of a thought as a particular neuron or a mood as a particular neurotransmitter! It is a temptation born of exasperation with the untestableness and vagueness of all the above solutions. Away with these verbal subtleties! These esoteric poses of philosophy and even the paper theories of behaviorists are mere subterfuges to avoid the very material we are talking about! Here we have an animal - make him a man if you will - here he is on the table of our analysis. If he is conscious, it has to be here, right here in him, in the brain in front of us, not in the presumptuous inklings of philosophy back in the incapable past! And today we at last have the techniques to explore the nervous system directly, brain to brain. Somewhere here in a mere three-and-a-half pound lump of pinkish-gray matter, the answer has to be.
All we have to do is to find those parts of the brain that are responsible for consciousness, then trace out their anatomical evolution, and we will solve the problem of the origin of consciousness. Moreover, if we study the behavior of present-day species corresponding to various stages in the development of these neurological structures, we will be able at last to reveal with experimental exactness just what consciousness basically is.
Now this sounds like an excellent scientific program. Ever since Descartes chose the brain’s pineal body as the seat of consciousness and was roundly refuted by the physiologists of his
16
day, there has been a fervent if often superficial search for where in
the brain consciousness exists. [15] And the search is still
on.
At the present, a plausible nominee for the neural substrate of consciousness is one of the most important neurological discoveries of our time. This is that tangle of tiny internuncial neurons called the reticular formation, which has long lain hidden and unsuspected in the brainstem. It extends from the top of the spinal cord through the brainstem on up into the thalamus and hypothalamus, attracting collaterals from sensory and motor nerves, almost like a system of wire-tabs on the communication lines that pass near it. But this is not all. It also has direct lines of command to half a dozen major areas of the cortex and probably all the nuclei of the brainstem, as well as sending fibers down the spinal cord where it influences the peripheral sensory and motor systems. Its function is to sensitize or “awaken” selected nervous circuits and desensitize others, such that those who pioneered in this work christened it “the waking brain.” [16]
The reticular formation is also often called by its functional name, the
reticular activating system. It is
the place where general anesthesia produces its effect by deactivating its
neurons. Cutting it produces
permanent sleep and coma. Stimulating it through an
implanted electrode in most of its regions wakes up a sleeping animal. Moreover, it is capable of grading the
activity of most other parts of the brain, doing this as a reflection of its own
internal excitability and the titer of its neurochemistry. There are exceptions, too complicated for
discussion here. But they are not
such as to diminish the exciting idea that this disordered network of short
neurons that connect up with the entire brain, this central transactional core
between the strictly sensory and motor systems of classical neurology, is the
long-sought answer to the whole problem.
15. I have discussed this at greater length in my paper,
“The Problem of Animate Motion in the Seventeenth Century,” Journal of the
History of Ideas, 1970, 31: 219-234.
16. See H. W. Magoun, The Waking Brain
(Springfield, Illinois: Thomas, 1958).
17
If we now look at the evolution of the reticular formation, asking if it could be correlated with the evolution of consciousness, we find no encouragement whatever. It turns out to be one of the oldest parts of the nervous system. Indeed, a good case could be made that this is the very oldest part of the nervous system, around which the more orderly, more specific, and more highly evolved tracts and nuclei developed. The little that we at present know about the evolution of the reticular formation does not seem to indicate that the problem of consciousness and its origin will be solved by such a study.
Moreover, there is a delusion in such reasoning. It is one that is all too common and unspoken in our tendency to translate psychological phenomena into neuro-anatomy and chemistry. We can only know in the nervous system what we have known in behavior first. Even if we had a complete wiring diagram of the nervous system, we still would not be able to answer our basic question. Though we knew the connections of every tickling thread of every single axon and dendrite in every species that ever existed, together with all its neurotransmitters and how they varied in its billions of synapses of every brain that ever existed, we could still never - not ever - from a knowledge of the brain alone know if that brain contained a consciousness like our own. We first have to start from the top, from some conception of what consciousness is, from what our own introspection is. We have to be sure of that, before we can enter the nervous system and talk about its neurology.
We must therefore try to make a new beginning by stating what consciousness is. We have already seen that this is no easy matter, and that the history of the subject is an enormous confusion of metaphor with designation. In any such situation, where something is so resistant to even the beginnings of clarity, it is wisdom to begin by determining what that something is not. And that is the task of the next chapter.
The Mind of
Man
Chapter 1: The Consciousness of Consciousness
WHEN ASKED the question, what is consciousness? we become
conscious of consciousness. And
most of us take this consciousness of consciousness to be what consciousness is.
This is not
true.
In being conscious of consciousness, we feel it is the most self-evident
thing imaginable. We feel it is the
defining attribute of all our waking states, our moods and affections, our
memories, our thoughts, attentions, and volitions. We feel comfortably certain that
consciousness is the basis of concepts, of learning and reasoning, of thought
and judgment, and that it is so because it records and stores our experiences as
they happen, allowing us to introspect on them and learn from them at will.
We are also quite conscious that
all this wonderful set of operations and contents that we call consciousness is
located somewhere in the head.
On critical examination, all of these statements are false. They are the costume that consciousness
has been masquerading in for centuries. They are the misconceptions that have
prevented a solution to the problem of the origin of consciousness. To demonstrate these errors and show what
consciousness is not, is the long but I hope adventurous task of this
chapter.
The Extensiveness of Consciousness
To begin with, there are several uses of the word consciousness which we
may immediately discard as incorrect. We have for
21
example the phrase “to lose consciousness” after receiving a blow on the head. But if this were correct, we would then have no word for those somnambulistic states known in the clinical literature where an individual is clearly not conscious and yet is responsive to things in a way in which a knocked-out person is not. Therefore, in the first instance we should say that the person suffering a severe blow on the head loses both consciousness and what I am calling reactivity, and they are therefore different things.
This distinction is also important in normal everyday life. We are constantly reacting to things
without being conscious of them at the time. Sitting against a tree, I am always
reacting to the tree and to the ground and to my own posture, since if I wish to
walk, I will quite unconsciously stand up from the ground to do
so.
Immersed in the ideas of this first chapter, I am rarely conscious even of where I am. In writing, I am reacting to a pencil in my hand since I hold on to it, and am reacting to my writing pad since I hold it on my knees, and to its lines since I write upon them, but I am only conscious of what I am trying to say and whether or not I am being clear to you.
If a bird bursts up from the copse nearby and flies crying to the
horizon, I may turn and watch it and hear it, and then turn back to this page
without being conscious that I have done so.
In other words, reactivity covers all stimuli my behavior takes account
of in any way, while consciousness is something quite distinct and a far less
ubiquitous phenomenon. We are
conscious of what we are reacting to only from time to time. And whereas reactivity can be defined
behaviorally and neurologically, consciousness at the present state of knowledge
cannot.
But this distinction is much more far-reaching. We are continually reacting to things in ways that have no phenomenal component in consciousness whatever. Not at any time. In seeing any object, our eyes and therefore our retinal images are reacting to the object by shifting twenty times a second, and yet
22
we see an unshifting stable object with no consciousness whatever of the
succession of different inputs or of putting them together into the object.
An abnormally small retinal image
of something in the proper context is automatically seen as something at a
distance; we are not conscious of making the correction. Color and light contrast effects, and
other perceptual constancies all go on every minute of our waking and even
dreaming experience without our being in the least conscious of them. And these instances are barely touching
the multitude of processes which by the older definitions of consciousness one
might expect to be conscious of, but which we definitely are not. I am here thinking of Titchener’s
designation of consciousness as “the sum total of mental processes occurring
now.” We are now very far from such
a position.
But let us go further. Consciousness is a much smaller part of
our mental life than we are conscious of, because we cannot be conscious of what
we are not conscious of. How simple
that is to say; how difficult to appreciate! It is like asking a flashlight in a dark
room to search around for something that does not have any light shining upon
it. The flashlight, since there is
light in whatever direction it turns, would have to conclude that there is light
everywhere. And so consciousness
can seem to pervade all mentality when actually it does
not.
The timing of consciousness is also an interesting question. When we are awake, are we conscious all the time? We think so. In fact, we are sure so! I shut my eyes and even if I try not to think, consciousness still streams on, a great river of contents in a succession of different conditions which I have been taught to call thoughts, images, memories, interior dialogues, regrets, wishes, resolves, all interweaving with the constantly changing pageant of exterior sensations of which I am selectively aware. Always the continuity. Certainly this is the feeling. And whatever we’re doing, we feel that our very self, our deepest of deep
23
identity, is indeed this continuing flow that only ceases in sleep
between remembered dreams. This is
our experience. And many thinkers
have taken this spirit of continuity to be the place to start from in
philosophy, the very ground of certainty which no one can doubt. Cogito, ergo sum.
But what could this continuity mean? If we think of a minute as being sixty thousand milliseconds, are we conscious for every one of those milliseconds? If you still think so, go on dividing the time units, remembering that the firing of neurons is of a finite order - although we have no idea what that has to do with our sense of the continuity of consciousness. Few persons would wish to maintain that consciousness somehow floats like a mist above and about the nervous system completely ununited to any earthly necessities of neural refractory periods.
It is much more probable that the seeming continuity of consciousness is really an illusion, just as most of the other metaphors about consciousness are. In our flashlight analogy, the flashlight would be conscious of being on only when it is on. Though huge gaps of time occurred, providing things were generally the same, it would seem to the flashlight itself that the light had been continuously on. We are thus conscious less of the time than we think, because we cannot be conscious of when we are not conscious. And the feeling of a great uninterrupted stream of rich inner experiences, now slowly gliding through dreamy moods, now tumbling in excited torrents down gorges of precipitous insight, or surging evenly through our nobler days, is what it is on this page, a metaphor for how subjective consciousness seems to subjective consciousness.
But there is a better way to point this out. If you close your left eye and stare at the left margin of this page, you are not at all conscious of a large gap in your vision about four inches to the right. But, still staring with your right eye only, take your finger and move it along a line of print from the left margin to the right, and you will see the top of it disappear into this gap and then
24
reappear on the other side. This is due to a two-millimeter gap on
the nasal side of the retina where the optic nerve fibers are gathered together
and leave the eye for the brain. [1] The interesting thing about this
gap is that it is not so much a blind spot as it is usually called; it is a
non-spot. A blind man sees his
darkness. [2] But you
cannot see any gap in your vision at all, let alone be conscious of it in any
way. Just as the space around the
blind spots is joined without any gap at all, so consciousness knits itself over
its time gaps and gives the illusion of continuity.
Examples of how little we are conscious of our everyday behavior can be
multiplied almost anywhere we look. Playing the piano is a really
extraordinary example. [3] Here a complex array of various
tasks is accomplished all at once with scarcely any consciousness of them
whatever: two different lines of near hieroglyphics to be read at once, the
right hand guided to one and the left to the other; ten fingers assigned to
various tasks, the fingering solving various motor problems without any
awareness, and the mind interpreting sharps and flats and naturals into black
and white keys, obeying the timing of whole or quarter or sixteenth notes and
rests and trills, one hand perhaps in three beats to a measure while the other
plays four, while the feet are softening or slurring or holding various other
notes. And all
this
1. A better technique of noticing the blind spot is to
take two pieces of paper about a half-inch square, and while holding them about
a foot and a half in front of you, fixate on one with one eye, and move the
other piece of paper out on the same side until it
disappears.
2. Except when the cause of blindness is in the brain.
For example, soldiers wounded in
one or the other occipital areas of the cortex, with large parts of the visual
field destroyed, are not conscious of any alteration in their vision. Looking straight ahead, they have the
illusion of seeing a complete visual world, as you or I
do.
3. This example with similar phrasing was used by W. B.
Carpenter to illustrate his “unconscious cerebration,” probably the first
important statement of the idea in the nineteenth century. It was first described in the fourth
edition of Carpenter’s Human Physiology in 1852, but more extensively in
his later works, as in his influential Principles of Mental Physiology
(London: Kegan Paul, 1874), Book 2, Ch. 13.
25
time the performer, the conscious performer, is in a seventh heaven of
artistic rapture at the results of all this tremendous business, or perchance
lost in contemplation of the individual who turns the leaves of the music book,
justly persuaded he is showing her his very soul! Of course consciousness usually has a
role in the learning of such complex activities, but not necessarily in their
performance, and that is the only point I am trying to make
here.
Consciousness is often not only unnecessary; it can be quite undesirable. Our pianist suddenly conscious of his fingers during a furious set of arpeggios would have to stop playing. Nijinsky somewhere says that when he danced, it was as if he were in the orchestra pit looking back at himself; he was not conscious of every movement, but of how he was looking to others. A sprinter may be conscious of where he is relative to the others in the race, but he is certainly not conscious of putting one leg in front of the other; such consciousness might indeed cause him to trip. And anyone who plays tennis at my indifferent level knows the exasperation of having his service suddenly ‘go to pieces’ and of serving consecutive double faults! The more doubles, the more conscious one becomes of one’s motions (and of one’s disposition!) and the worse things get. [4]
Such phenomena of exertion are not to be explained away on the basis of
physical excitement, for the same phenomena in regard to consciousness occur in
less strenuous occupations. Right
at this moment, you are not conscious of how you are sitting, of where your
hands are placed, of how fast you are reading, though even as I mentioned these
items, you were. And as you read,
you are not conscious of the letters or even of the words or even of the syntax
or the sentences and punctuation,
4. The present writer improvises on the piano, and his
best playing is when he is not conscious of the performance side as he invents
new themes or developments, but only when he is somnambulistic about it and is
conscious of his playing only as if he were another
person.
26
but only of their meaning. As you listen to an address, phonemes
disappear into words and words into sentences and sentences disappear into what
they are trying to say, into meaning. To be conscious of the elements of speech
is to destroy the intention of the speech.
And also on the production side. Try speaking with a full consciousness of
your articulation as you do it. You
will simply stop speaking.
And so in writing, it is as if the pencil or pen or typewriter itself
spells the words, spaces them, punctuates properly, goes to the next line, does
not begin consecutive sentences in the same way, determines that we place a
question here, an exclamation there, even as we ourselves are engrossed in what
we are trying to express and the person we are addressing.
For in speaking or writing we are not really conscious of what we are
actually doing at the time. Consciousness functions in the decision
as to what to say, how we are to say it, and when we say it, but then the
orderly and accomplished succession of phonemes or of written letters is somehow
done for us.
Consciousness Not a Copy of Experience
Although the metaphor of the blank mind had been used in the writings
ascribed to Aristotle, it is really only since John Locke thought of the mind as
a tabula rasa in the seventeenth century that we have emphasized this
recording aspect of consciousness, and thus see it crowded with memories that
can be read over again in introspection. If Locke had lived in our time, he would
have used the metaphor of a camera rather than a slate. But the idea is the same. And most people would protest
emphatically that the chief function of consciousness is to store up experience,
to copy it as a camera does, so that it can be reflected upon at some future
time.
So it seems. But consider
the following problems: Does
the
27
door of your room open from the right or the left? Which is your second longest finger?
At a stoplight, is it the red or
the green that is on top? How many
teeth do you see when brushing your teeth? What letters are associated with what
numbers on a telephone dial? If you
are in a familiar room, without turning around, write down all the items on the
wall just behind you, and then look.
I think you will be surprised how little you can retrospect in
consciousness on the supposed images you have stored from so much previous
attentive experience. If the
familiar door suddenly opened the other way, if another finger suddenly grew
longer, if the red light were differently placed, or you had an extra tooth, or
the telephone were made differently, or a new window latch had been put on the
window behind you, you would know it immediately, showing that you all along
‘knew’, but not consciously so. Familiar to psychologists, this is the
distinction between recognition and recall. What you can consciously recall is a
thimbleful to the huge oceans of your actual knowledge.
Experiments of this sort demonstrate that conscious memory is not a
storing up of sensory images, as is sometimes thought. Only if you have at some time consciously
noticed your finger lengths or your door, have at some time counted your teeth,
though you have observed these things countless times, can you remember. Unless you have particularly noted what
is on the wall or recently cleaned or painted it, you will be surprised
at what you have left out. And
introspect upon the matter. Did you
not in each of these instances ask what must be there? Starting with ideas and reasoning, rather
than with any image? Conscious
retrospection is not the retrieval of images, but the retrieval of what you have
been conscious of before, [5] and the reworking of these elements into
rational or plausible patterns.
5. See in this connection the discussion of Robert S.
Woodworth in his Psychological Issues (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1939 Ch. 7
28
Let us demonstrate this in another way. Think, if you will, of when you entered
the room you are now in and when you picked up this book. Introspect upon it and then ask the
question: are the images of which you have copies the actual sensory fields as
you came in and sat down and began reading? Don’t you have an image of yourself
coming through one of the doors, perhaps even a bird’s-eye view of one of the
entrances, and then perhaps vaguely see yourself sitting down and picking up the
book? Things which you have never
experienced except in this introspection! And can you retrieve the sound fields
around the event? Or the cutaneous
sensations as you sat, took the pressure off your feet, and opened this book?
Of course, if you go on with your
thinking you can also rearrange your imaginal retrospection such that you do
indeed ‘see’ entering the room just as it might have been; and ‘hear’ the sound
of the chair and the book opening, and ‘feel’ the skin sensations. But I suggest that this has a large
element of created imagery - what we shall call narratizing a little later - of
what the experience should be like, rather than what it actually was
like.
Or introspect on when you last went swimming: I suspect you have an image of a seashore, lake, or pool which is largely a retrospection, but when it comes to yourself swimming, lo! like Nijinsky in his dance, you are seeing yourself swim, something that you have never observed at all! There is precious little of the actual sensations of swimming, the particular waterline across your face, the feel of the water against your skin, or to what extent your eyes were underwater as you turned your head to breathe. [6] Similarly, if you think of the last time you slept out of doors, went skating, or - if all else fails - did something that you regretted in public, you tend not to see, hear, or feel things as you actually experienced them, but rather to re-create them in objective terms, seeing yourself in the setting as if you were
6. An example taken from Donald Hobb’s provocative
discussion, “The mind’s eye”, Psychology Today, 1961,
2.
29
somebody else. Looking back
into memory, then, is a great deal invention, seeing yourself as others see you.
Memory is the medium of the
must-have-been. Though I have no
doubt that in any of these instances you could by inference invent a subjective
view of the experience, even with the conviction that it was the actual
memory.
Consciousness Not Necessary for Concepts
A further major confusion about consciousness is the belief that it is
specifically and uniquely the place where concepts are formed. This is a very ancient idea: that we have
various concrete conscious experiences and then put the similar ones together
into a concept. This idea has even
been the paradigm of a slew of experiments by psychologists who thought they
were thus studying concept formation.
Max Muller, in one of his fascinating discussions in the last century,
brought the problem to a point by asking, whoever saw a tree? “No one ever saw a tree, but only this or
that fir tree, or oak tree, or apple tree . . . Tree, therefore, is a concept,
and as such can never be seen or perceived by the senses.” [7] Particular trees alone were outside
in the environment, and only in consciousness did the general concept of tree
exist.
Now the relation between concepts and consciousness could have an
extensive discussion. But let it
suffice here simply to show that there is no necessary connection between them.
When Muller says no one has ever
seen a tree, he is mistaking what he knows about an object for the object
itself. Every weary wayfarer after
miles under the hot sun has seen a tree. So has every cat, squirrel, and chipmunk
when chased by a dog. The bee has a
concept of. a flower, the eagle a concept of a sheer-faced
rocky
7. Max Muller, The Science of Though: (London:
Longmans Green, 1887), 78-79.
Eugenio Rignano in his The Psychology of Reasoning (New York:
Harcourt, Brace, 1923), p. 108f., makes a similar criticism to
mine.
30
ledge, as a nesting thrush has a concept of a crotch of upper branch
awninged with green leaves. Concepts are simply classes of
behaviorally equivalent things. Root concepts are prior to experience.
They are fundamental to the aptic
structures that allow behavior to occur at all.8 Indeed what Muller should have said
was, no one has ever been conscious of a tree. For consciousness, indeed, not only is
not the repository of concepts; it does not usually work with them at
all! When we consciously think of
a tree, we are indeed conscious of a particular tree, of the fir or the
oak or the elm that grew beside our house, and let it stand for the concept,
just as we can let a concept word stand for it as well. In fact, one of the great functions of
language is to let the word stand for a concept, which is exactly what we do in
writing or speaking about conceptual material. And we must do this because concepts are
usually not in consciousness at all.
Consciousness Not Necessary for Learning
A third important misconception of consciousness is that it is the basis
for learning. Particularly for the
long and illustrious series of Associationist psychologists through the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, learning was a matter of ideas in
consciousness being grouped by similarity, contiguity, or occasionally some
other relationship. Nor did it
matter whether we were speaking of a man or an animal; all learning was
“profiting from experience” or ideas coming together in consciousness - as I
said in the Introduction. And so
contemporary common knowledge, without realizing quite why, has culturally
inherited the notion that consciousness is necessary for
learning.
The matter is somewhat complex. It is also
unfortunately
8 .Aptic structures are the neurological basis of
aptitudes that are composed of an innate evolved aptic paradigm plus the results
of experience in development. The
term is the heart of an unpublished essay of mine and is meant to replace such
problematic words as instincts. They are organizations of the brain,
always partially innate, that make the organism apt to behave in a certain way
under certain conditions.
31
disfigured in psychology by a sometimes forbidding jargon, which is
really an overgeneralization of the spinal-reflex terminology of the nineteenth
century. But, for our purposes, we
may consider the laboratory study of learning to have been of three central
kinds, the learning of signals, skills, and solutions. Let us take up each in turn, asking the
question, is consciousness necessary?
Signal learning (or classical or Pavlovian conditioning) is the simplest example. If a light signal immediately followed by a puff of air through a rubber tube is directed at a person’s eye about ten times, the eyelid, which previously blinked only to the puff of air, will begin to blink to the light signal alone, and this becomes more and more frequent as trials proceed.9 Subjects who have undergone this well-known procedure of signal learning report that it has no conscious component whatever. Indeed, consciousness, in this example the intrusion of voluntary eye blinks to try to assist the signal learning, blocks it from occurring.
In more everyday situations, the same simple associative learning can be
shown to go on without any consciousness that it has occurred. If a distinct kind of music is played
while you are eating a particularly delicious lunch, the next time you hear the
music you will like its sounds slightly more and even have a little more saliva
in your mouth. The music has become
a signal for pleasure which mixes with your judgment. And the same is true for
paintings.10 Subjects
who have gone through this kind of test in the laboratory, when asked why they
liked the music or paintings better after lunch, could not say. They were not conscious they had learned
anything. But the really
interesting thing here is that if you know about the phenomenon beforehand
and
9. G. A. Kimble, “Conditioning as a function of the time
between conditioned and unconditioned stimuli,” Journal of Experimental
Psychology, 1947, 37: 1-15.
10. These studies are those of Gregory Razran and are
discussed on page 232 of his Mind in Evolution (Boston: Houghton Muffin,
1971). They are discussed critically in relation to the whole problem of
unintentional learning by T. A. Ryan, Intentional Behavior (New York:
Ronald Press, 1970), pp. 235-236.
32
are conscious of the contingency between food and the music or painting,
the learning does not occur. Again,
consciousness actually reduces our earning abilities of this type, let
alone not being necessary for them.
As we saw earlier in the performance of skills, so in the learning of
skills, consciousness is indeed like a helpless spectator, having little to do.
A simple experiment will
demonstrate this fact. Take a coin
in each hand and toss them both, crossing them in the air in such a way that
each coin is caught by the opposite hand. This you can learn in a dozen trials.
As you do, ask, are you conscious
of everything you do? Is
consciousness necessary at all? I
think you will find that learning is much better described as being ‘organic’
rather than conscious. Consciousness takes you into the task,
giving you the goal to be reached. But from then on, apart perhaps from
fleeting neurotic concerns about your abilities at such tasks, it is as
if the learning is done for you.
Yet the nineteenth century, taking consciousness to be the whole
architect of behavior, would have tried to explain such a task as consciously
recognizing the good and bad motions, and by free choice repeating the former
and dropping out the latter!
The learning of complex skills is no different in this respect. Typewriting has been extensively studied, it generally being agreed in the words of one experimenter “that all adaptations and short cuts in methods were unconsciously made, that is, fallen into by the learners quite unintentionally. The learners suddenly noticed that they were doing certain parts of the work in a new and better way.” [11]
In the coin-tossing experiment, you may have even discovered that consciousness if present impeded your learning. This is a very common finding in the learning of skills, just as we saw it was in their performance. Let the learning go on without your being too conscious of it, and it is all done more smoothly and
11. W.F. Book, The Psychology of Skill, (New
York: Gregg, 1925).
33
efficiently. Sometimes too
much so, for, in complex skills like typing, one may learn to consistently type
‘hte’ for ‘the’. The remedy is to
reverse the process by consciously practicing the mistake ‘hte’, whereupon
contrary to the usual idea of ‘practice makes perfect’, the mistake drops away -
a phenomenon called negative practice.
In the common motor skills studied in the laboratory as well, such as complex pursuit-rotor systems or mirror-tracing, the subjects who are asked to be very conscious of their movements do worse. [12] And athletic trainers whom I have interviewed are unwittingly following such laboratory-proven principles when they urge their trainees not to think so much about what they are doing. The Zen exercise of learning archery is extremely explicit on this, advising the archer not to think of himself as drawing the bow and releasing the arrow, but releasing himself from the consciousness of what he is doing by letting the bow stretch itself and the arrow release itself from the fingers at the proper time.
Solution learning (or instrumental learning or operant conditioning) is a more complex case. Usually when one is acquiring some solution to a problem or some path to a goal, consciousness plays a very considerable role in setting up the problem in a certain way. But consciousness is not necessary. Instances can be shown in which a person has no consciousness whatever of either the goal he is seeking or the solution he is finding to achieve that goal.
Another simple experiment can demonstrate this. Ask someone to sit opposite you and to say words, as many words as he can think of, pausing two or three seconds after each of them for you to write them down. If after every plural noun (or adjective, or abstract word, or whatever you choose) you say “good” or “right” as you write it down, or simply “mmm-hmm” or smile, or repeat the plural word pleasantly, the frequency of plural nouns (or
12. H.L. Waskom, “An experimental analysis of incentive
and forced application and their effect upon learning,” Journal of
Psychology, 1936, 2: 393-408.
34
whatever) will increase significantly as he goes on saying words. The important thing here is that the
subject is not aware that he is learning anything at all. [13] He is not conscious that he is
trying to find a way to make you increase your encouraging remarks, or even of
his solution to that problem. Every
day, in all our conversations, we are constantly training and being trained by
each other in this manner, and yet we are never conscious of
it.
Such unconscious learning is not confined to verbal behavior. Members of a psychology class were asked to compliment any girl at the college wearing red. Within a week the cafeteria was a blaze of red (and friendliness), and none of the girls was aware of being influenced. Another class, a week after being told about unconscious learning and training, tried it on the professor. Every time he moved toward the right side of the lecture hall, they paid rapt attention and roared at his jokes. It is reported that they were almost able to train him right out the door, he remaining unaware of anything unusual. [14]
The critical problem with most of these studies is that if the subject decided beforehand to look for such contingencies, he would of course be conscious of what he was learning to do. One way to get around this is to use a behavioral response which is imperceptible to the subject. And this has been done, using a very small muscle in the thumb whose movements are imperceptible to us and can only be detected by an electrical recording apparatus. The subjects were told that the experiments were concerned with the effect of intermittent unpleasant noise com-
13. J. Greenspoon, “The reinforcing effect of two spoken
sounds on the frequency of two responses,” American Journal of Psychology,
1955, 68: 409-416. But there is
considerable controversy here, particularly in the order and wording of
postexperimental questions. There
may even be a kind of tacit contract between subject and experimenter. See Robert Rosenthal, Experimenter
Effects in Behavioral Research (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1966).
In this controversy, I presently
agree with Postman that the learning occurs before the subject becomes
conscious of the reinforcement contingency, and indeed that consciousness would
not occur unless this had been so. L. Postman and L. Sassenrath, “The
automatic action of verbal rewards and punishment,” Journal of General
Psychology, 1961, 65: 109-136.
14. W. Lamnbert Gardiner, Psychology: A Story of a
Search (Belmont, California:
Brooks/Cole, 5970), p. 76.
35
bined with music upon muscle tension. Four electrodes were placed on their bodies, the only real one being the one over the small thumb muscle, the other three being dummy electrodes. The apparatus was so arranged that whenever the imperceptible thumb-muscle twitch was electrically detected, the unpleasant noise was stopped for 15 seconds if it was already sounding, or delayed for 15 seconds if was not turned on at the time of the twitch. In all subjects, the imperceptible thumb twitch that turned off the distressing noise increased in rate without the subjects’ being the slightest bit conscious that they were learning to turn off the unpleasant noise. 15
Thus, consciousness is not a necessary part of the learning process, and
this is true whether it be the learning of signals, skills, or solutions. There is, of course, much more to say on
this fascinating subject, for the whole thrust of contemporary research in
behavior modification is along these lines. But, for the present, we have simply
established that the older doctrine that conscious experience is the substrate
of all learning is clearly and absolutely false. At this point, we can at least conclude
that it is possible - possible I say - to conceive of human beings who are not
conscious and yet can learn and solve problems.
Consciousness Not Necessary for Thinking
As we go from simple to more complicated aspects of mentality, we enter
vaguer and vaguer territory, where the terms we use become more difficult to
travel with. Thinking is certainly
one of these. And to say that
consciousness is not necessary for thinking makes us immediately bristle with
protest. Surely thinking is the
very heart and bone of consciousness! But let us go
slowly
15. R. F. Hefferline, B. Keenan, R. A. Harford, “Escape
and avoidance conditioning in human subjects without their observation of the
response,” Science, 1959, 130: 1338-5339. Another study which shows unconscious
solution learning very clearly is that of J. D. Keehn: “Experimental Studies of
the Unconscious: operant conditioning of unconscious eye blinking,” Behavior
Research and Therapy, 1967, 5: 95-I02.
36
here. What we would be
referring to would be that type of free associating which might be called
thinking-about or thinking-of, which, indeed, always seems to be fully
surrounded and immersed in the image-peopled province of consciousness. But the matter is really not that clear
at all.
Let us begin with the type of thinking that ends in a result to which may be predicated the terms right or wrong. That is what is commonly referred to as making judgments, and is very similar to one extreme of solution learning that we have discussed.
A simple experiment, so simple as to seem trivial, will bring us directly to the heart of the matter. Take any two unequal objects, such as a pen and pencil or two unequally filled glasses of water, and place them on the desk in front of you. Then partially closing your eyes to increase your attention to the task, pick up each one with the thumb and forefinger and judge which is heavier. Now introspect on everything you are doing. You will find your self conscious of the feel of the objects against the skin of your fingers, conscious of the slight downward pressure as you feel the weight of each, conscious of any protrubances on the sides of the objects, and so forth. And now the actual judging of which is heavier. Where is that? Lo! the very act of judgment that one object is heavier than the other is not conscious. It is somehow just given to you by your nervous system. If we call that process of judgment thinking, we are finding that such thinking is not conscious at all. A simple experiment, yes, but extremely important. It demolishes at once the entire tradition that such thought processes are. the structure of the conscious mind.
This type of experiment came to be studied extensively back at the
beginning of this century in what came to be known as the Wurzburg School. It all began with a study by Karl Marbe
in 1901, which was .very similar to the above, except that small weights
were used. [16] The
subject was asked to lift two weights
16. K. Marbe, Experimentell-Psychologische
Untersuchungen uber das Urteil, eine Einleitung in die Logik (Leipzig:
Emgelmann, 1901).
37
in front of him, and place the one that was heavier in front of the
experimenter, who was facing him. And it came as a startling discovery both
to the experimenter himself and to his highly trained subjects, all of them
introspective psychologists, that the process of judgment itself was never
conscious. Physics and psychology
always show interesting contrasts, and it is one of the ironies of science that
the Marbe experiment, so simple as to seem silly, was to psychology what the
so-difficult-to-set-up Michaelson-Morley experiment was to physics. Just as the latter proved that the ether,
that substance supposed to exist throughout space, did not exist, so the
weight-judgment experiment showed that judging, that supposed hallmark of
consciousness, did not exist in consciousness at all.
But a complaint can be lodged here. Maybe in lifting the objects the judging was all happening so fast that we forgot it. After all, in introspecting we always have hundreds of words to describe what happens in a few seconds. (What an astonishing fact that is!) And our memory fades as to what just happened even as we are trying to express it. Perhaps this was what was occurring in Marbe’s experiment, and that type of thinking called judging could be found in consciousness, after all, if we could only remember.
This was the problem as Watt faced it a few years after Marbe. 17
To solve it, he used a
different method, word associations. Nouns printed on cards were shown to the
subject, who was to reply by uttering an associate word as quickly as he could.
It was not free association, but
what is technically called partially constrained: in different series the
subject was required to associate to the visual word a superordinate (e.g.,
oak-tree), co-ordinate (oak-elm), or subordinate (oak-beam); or a whole
(oak-forest), a part (oak-acorn), or another part of a common
whole
17. H.J. Wattt, “Experimentelle Beitrage zur einer
Theorie des Denkens,” Archiv fur geschite der Psychologie, 1905, 4:
289-436.
38
(oak-path). The nature of this task of constrained
associations made it possible to divide the consciousness of it into four
periods: the instructions as to which of the constraints it was to be (e.g.,
superordinate), the presentation of the stimulus noun (e.g., oak), the search
for an appropriate association, and the spoken reply (e.g., tree). The introspecting observers were asked to
confine themselves first to one period and then to another, and thus get a more
accurate account of consciousness in each.
It was expected that the precision of this fractionation method would prove Marbe’s conclusions wrong, and that the consciousness of thinking would be found in Watt’s third period, the period of the search for the word that would suit the particular constrained association. But nothing of the sort happened. It was the third period that was introspectively blank. What seemed to be happening was that thinking was automatic and not really conscious once a stimulus word had been given, and, previous to that, the particular type of association demanded had been adequately understood by the observer. This was a remarkable result. Another way of saying it is that one does one’s thinking before one knows what one is to think about. The important part of the matter is the instruction, which allows the whole business to go off automatically. This I shall shorten to the term struction, by which I mean it to have the connotation of both instruction and construction. [18]
Thinking, then, is not conscious. Rather, it is an automatic process following a struction and the materials on which the struction is to operate.
But we do not have to stay with verbal associations; any type of problem
will do, even those closer to voluntary actions. If I say to
18. The terms set, determining tendency, and
struction need to be distinguished. A set is the more inclusive term, being
an engaged aptic structure which in mammals can be ordered from a general limbic
component of readiness to a specific cortical component of a determining
tendency, the final part of which in humans is often a
struction.
39
myself, I shall think about an oak in summer, that is a struction, and
what I call thinking about is really a file of associated images cast up on the
shores of my consciousness out of an unknown sea, just like the constrained
associations in Watt’s experiment.
If we have the figures 6 and 2, divided by a vertical line, 6/2,
the ideas produced by such a stimulus will be eight, four, or three,
according to whether the struction prescribed is addition, subtraction, or
division. The important thing is
that the struction itself, the process of addition, subtraction, or division,
disappears into the nervous system once it is given. But it is obviously there ‘in the mind’
since the same stimulus can result in any of three different responses. And that is something we are not in the
least aware of, once it is put in motion.
Suppose we have a series of figures such as the
following:
What is the next figure in this series? How did you arrive at your answer? Once I have given you the struction, you automatically ‘see’ that it is to be another triangle. I submit that if you try to introspect on the process by which you came up with the answer you are not truly retrieving the processes involved, but inventing what you think they must have been by giving yourself another struction to that effect. In the task itself, all you were really conscious of was the struction, the figures before you on the page, and then the solution.
Nor is this different from the case of speech which I mentioned earlier. When we speak, we are not really conscious either of the search for words, or of putting the words together into phrases, or of putting the phrases into sentences. We are only conscious of the ongoing series of structions that we give ourselves, which then, automatically, without any consciousness whatever, result in speech. The speech itself we can be conscious of as it is
40
produced if we wish, thus giving some feedback to result in further
structions.
So we arrive at the position that the actual process of thinking, so
usually thought to be the very life of consciousness, is not conscious at all
and that only its preparation, its materials, and its end result are consciously
perceived.
Consciousness Not Necessary for Reason
The long tradition of man as the rational animal, the tradition that
enthroned him as Homo sapiens, rests in all its pontifical generality on
the gracile assumption that consciousness is the seat of reason. Any discussion of such an assumption is
embarrassed by the vagueness of the term reason itself. This vagueness is the legacy we have from
an older ‘faculty’ psychology that spoke of a ‘faculty’ of reason, which was of
course situated ‘in’ consciousness. And this forced deposition of reason and
consciousness was further confused with ideas of truth, of how we ought to
reason, or logic - all quite different things. And hence logic was supposed to be the
structure of conscious reason confounding generations of poor scholars who knew
perfectly well that syllogisms were not what was on their side of
introspection.
Reasoning and logic are to each other as health is to medicine, or - better - as conduct is to morality. Reasoning refers to a gamut of natural thought processes in the everyday world. Logic is how we ought to think if objective truth is our goal - and the everyday world is very little concerned with objective truth. Logic is the science of the justification of conclusions we have reached by natural reasoning. My point here is that, for such natural reasoning to occur, consciousness is not necessary. The very reason we need logic at all is because most reasoning is not conscious at all.
Consider to begin with the many phenomena we have already established as
going on without consciousness which can be
41
called elementary kinds of reasoning. Choosing paths, words, notes, motions,
the perceptual corrections in size and color constancies - all are primitive
kinds of reasoning that go on without any prod, nudge, or even glance of
consciousness.
Even the more standard types of reasoning can occur without
consciousness. A boy, having
observed on one or more past occasions that a particular piece of wood floats on
a particular pond, will conclude directly in a new instance that another piece
of wood will float on another pond. There is no collecting together of past
instances in consciousness, and no necessary conscious process whatever when the
new piece of wood is seen directly as floating on the new pond. This is sometimes called reasoning from
particulars, and is simply expectation based on generalization. Nothing particularly extraordinary. It is an ability common to all the higher
vertebrates. Such reasoning is the
structure of the nervous system, not the structure of
consciousness.
But more complex reasoning without consciousness is continually going on.
Our minds work much faster than
consciousness can keep up with. We
commonly make genera assertions based on past experience in an automatic way,
and only as an afterthought are we sometimes able to retrieve any of the past
experiences on which an assertion is based. How often we reach sound conclusions and
are quite unable to justify them! Because reasoning is not conscious. And consider the kind of reasoning that
we do about others’ feelings and character, or in reasoning out the motives of
others from their actions. These
are clearly the result of automatic inferences by our nervous systems in which
consciousness is not only unnecessary, but, as we have seen in the performance
of motor skills, would probably hinder the process.
[19
Surely, we exclaim, this cannot be true of the highest processes of
intellectual, thought! Surely there
at last we will come to
19. Such instances were early recognized as not
conscious and were called “automatic inference” or “common sense.” Discussions can be found in Sully, Mill,
and other nineteenth-century psychologists.
42
the very empire of consciousness, where all is spread out in a golden clarity and all the orderly processes of reason go on in a full publicity of awareness. But the truth has no such grandeur. The picture of a scientist sitting down with his problems and using conscious induction and deduction is as mythical as a unicorn. The greatest insights of mankind have come more mysteriously. Helmholtz had his happy thoughts which “often enough crept quietly into my thinking without my suspecting their importance . . . in other cases they arrived suddenly, without any effort on my part . . . they liked especially to make their appearance while I was taking an easy walk over wooded hills in sunny weather!” 20
And Gauss, referring to an arithmetical theorem which he had unsuccessfully tried to prove for years, wrote how “like a sudden flash of lightning, the riddle happened to be solved. I myself cannot say what was the conducting thread which connected what I previously knew with what made my success possible.” 21
And the brilliant mathematician Poincaré was particularly interested in the manner in which he came upon his own discoveries. In a celebrated lecture at the Société de Psychologie in Paris, he described how he set out on a geologic excursion: “The incidents of the journey made me forget my mathematical work. Having reached Coutances, we entered an omnibus to go some place or other. At the moment when I put my foot on the step, the idea came to me, without anything in my former thoughts seeming to have paved the way for it, the transformation I had used to define the Fuchsian functions were identical with those of non-Euclidian geometry!” 22
It does seem that it is in the more abstract sciences, where the
materials of scrutiny are less and less interfered with by
everyday
20. As quoted by Robert S. Woodworth, Experimental
Psychology (New York: Holt, 1938), p. 818.
21. As quoted by Jacques Hadamard, The Psychology of
Invention in the Mathematical Field (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1945), p. 15.
22. Henri Poincaré, “Mathematical creation,” in his
The Foundations of Science, G. Bruce Halsted, trans. (New York: The
Science Press, 1913), p. 387.
43
experience, that this business of sudden flooding insights is most
obvious. A close friend of
Einstein’s has told me that many of the physicist’s greatest ideas came to him
so suddenly while he was shaving that he had to move the blade of the straight
razor very carefully each morning, lest he cut himself with surprise. And a well-known physicist in Britain
once told Wolfgang Köhler, “We often talk about the three B’s, the Bus,
the Bath, and the Bed. That is
where the great discoveries are made in our science.”
The essential point here is that there are several stages of creative
thought: first, a stage of preparation in which the problem is consciously
worked over; then a period of incubation without any conscious concentration
upon the problem; and then the illumination which is later justified by logic.
The parallel between these
important and complex problems and the simple problems of judging weights or the
circle-triangle series is obvious. The period of preparation is essentially
the setting up of a complex struction together with conscious attention to the
materials on which the struction is to work. But then the actual process of reasoning,
the dark leap into huge discovery, just as in the simple trivial judgment of
weights, has no representation in consciousness. Indeed, it is sometimes almost as if the
problem had to be forgotten to be solved.
The final fallacy which I wish to discuss is both important and
interesting, and I have left it for the last because I think it deals the coup
de grace to the everyman theory of consciousness. Where does consciousness take
place?
Everyone, or almost everyone, immediately replies, in my head. This is because when we introspect, we seem to look inward on an inner space somewhere behind our eyes. But what on earth do we mean by ‘look’? We even close our eyes sometimes to introspect even more clearly. Upon what? Its spatial
44
character seems unquestionable. Moreover we seem to move or at least
‘look’ in different directions. And
if we press ourselves too strongly to further characterize this space (apart
from its imagined contents), we feel a vague irritation, as if there were
something that did not want to be known, some quality which to question was
somehow ungrateful, like rudeness in a friendly place.
We not only locate this space of consciousness inside our own heads.
We also assume it is there in
others’. In talking with a friend,
maintaining periodic eye-to-eye contact (that remnant of our primate past when
eye-to-eye contact was concerned in establishing tribal hierarchies), we are
always assuming a space behind our companion’s eyes into which we are talking,
similar to the space we imagine inside our own heads where we are talking
from.
And this is the very heartbeat of the matter. For we know perfectly well that there is
no such space in anyone’s head at all! There is nothing inside my head or yours
except physiological tissue of one sort or another. And the fact that it is predominantly
neurological tissue is irrelevant.
Now this thought takes a little thinking to get used to. It means that we are continually
inventing these spaces in our own and other people’s heads, knowing perfectly
well that they don’t exist anatomically; and the location of these ‘spaces’ is
indeed quite arbitrary. The
Aristotelian writings, 23 for example, located consciousness or the
abode of thought in and just above the heart, believing the brain to be a mere
cooling organ since it was insensitive to touch or injury. And some readers will not have found this
discussion valid since they locate their thinking selves somewhere in the upper
chest. For most of us, however, the
habit of locating consciousness in the head is so ingrained that
it
23. It is so obvious that the writing ascribed to
Aristotle were not written by the same hand that I prefer this
designation.
45
is difficult to think otherwise. But, actually, you could, as you remain
where you are, just as well locate your consciousness around the corner in the
next room against the wall near the floor, and do your thinking there as well as
in your head. Not really just as well. For there are very good reasons why it is
better to imagine your mind-space inside of you, reasons to do with volition and
internal sensations, with the relationship of your body and your ‘I’ which will
become apparent as we go on.
That there is no phenomenal necessity in locating consciousness in the brain is further reinforced by various abnormal instances in which consciousness seems to be outside the body. A friend who received a left frontal brain injury in the war regained consciousness in the corner of the ceiling of a hospital ward looking down euphorically at himself on the cot swathed in bandages. Those who have taken lysergic acid diethylamide commonly report similar out-of-the-body or exosomatic experiences, as they are called. Such occurrences do not demonstrate anything metaphysical whatever; simply that locating consciousness can be an arbitrary matter.
Let us not make a mistake. When I am conscious, I am always and
definitely using certain parts of my brain inside my head. But so am I when riding a bicycle, and
the bicycle riding does not go on inside my head. The cases are different of course, since
bicycle riding has a definite geographical location, while consciousness does
not. In reality, consciousness has
no location whatever except as we imagine it has.
Let us review where we are, for we have just found our way through an
enormous amount of ramous material which may have seemed more perplexing than
clarifying. We have been brought to
the conclusion that consciousness is not what we generally think it is.
It is not to be confused with
reactivity. It
is
46
not involved in hosts of perceptual phenomena. It is not involved in the performance of skills and often hinders their execution. It need not be involved in speaking, writing, listening, or reading. It does not copy down experience, as most people think. Consciousness is not at all involved in signal learning, and need not be involved in the learning of skills or solutions, which can go on without any consciousness whatever. It is not necessary for making judgments or in simple thinking. It is not the seat of reason, and indeed some of the most difficult instances of creative reasoning go on without any attending consciousness. And it has no location except an imaginary one! The immediate question therefore is, does consciousness exist at all? But that is the problem of the next chapter. Here it is only necessary to conclude that consciousness does not make all that much difference to a lot of our activities. If our reasoning have been correct, it is perfectly possible that there could have existed a race of men who spoke, judged, reasoned, solved problems, indeed did most of the things that we do, but who were not conscious at all. This is the important and in some ways upsetting notion that we are forced to conclude at this point. Indeed I have begun in this fashion, and place great importance on this opening chapter, for unless you are here convinced that a civilization without consciousness is possible, you will find the discussion that follows unconvincing and paradoxical.
47
BOOK THREE
Vestiges of the Bicameral Mind in the Modern World
Chapter 6: The Auguries of Science
I HAVE TRIED in these few heterogeneous chapters of Book III to explain
as well as I could how certain features of our recent world, namely, the social
institutions of oracles and religions, and the psychological phenomena of
possession, hypnosis, and schizophrenia, as well as artistic practices such as
poetry and music, how all these can be interpreted in part as vestiges of
an earlier organization of human nature. These are not in any sense a complete
catalogue of the present possible projections from our earlier mentality. They are simply some of the most obvious.
And the study of their interaction
with the developing consciousness continually laying siege to them allows us an
understanding that we would not otherwise have.
In this final chapter, I wish to turn to science itself and point out
that it too, and even my entire essay, can be read as a response to the
breakdown of the bicameral mind. For what is the nature of this blessing
of certainty that science so devoutly demands in its very Jacob-like wrestling
with nature? Why should we demand
that the universe make itself clear to us? Why do we care?
To be sure, a part of the impulse to science is simple curiosity, to hold
the unheld and watch the unwatched. We are all children in the unknown. It is no reaction to the loss of an
earlier mentality to delight in the revelations of the electron microscope or in
quarks or in negative gravity in black holes among the
stars.
433
Technology is a second and even more sustaining source of the scientific
ritual, carrying its scientific basis forward on its own increasing and
uncontrollable momentum through history. And perhaps a deep aptic structure for
hunting, for bringing a problem to bay, adds its motivational effluence to the
pursuit of truth.
But over and behind these and other causes of science has been something
more universal, something in this age of specialization often unspoken. It is something about understanding the
totality of existence, the essential defining reality of things, the entire
universe and man’s place in it. It
is a groping among stars for final answers, a wandering the infinitesimal for
the infinitely general, a deeper and deeper pilgrimage into the unknown. It is a direction whose far beginning in
the mists of history can be distantly seen in the search for lost directives in
the breakdown of the bicameral mind.
It is a search that is obvious in the omen literature of Assyria where,
as we saw in II.4, science begins. It is also obvious a mere half millennium
later when Pythagoras in Greece is seeking the lost invariants of life in a
theology of divine numbers and their relationships, thus beginning the science
of mathematics. And so through two
millennia, until, with a motivation not different, Galileo calls mathematics the
speech of God, or Pascal and Leibnitz echo him, saying they hear God in the
awesome rectitudes of mathematics.
We sometimes think, and even like to think, that the two greatest
exertions that have influenced mankind, religion and science, have always been
historical enemies, intriguing us in opposite directions. But this effort at special identity is
loudly false. It is not religion
but the church and science that were hostile to each other. And it was rivalry, not contravention.
Both were religious. They were two giants fuming at each other
over the same ground. Both
proclaimed to be the only way to divine revelation.
434
It was a competition that first came into absolute focus with the late
Renaissance, particularly in the imprisonment of Galileo in 1633. The stated and superficial reason was
that his publications had not been first stamped with papal approval. But the true argument, I am sure, was no
such trivial surface event. For the
writings in question were simply the Copernican heliocentric theory of the solar
system which had been published a century earlier by a churchman without any
fuss whatever. The real division
was more profound and can, I think, only be understood as a part of the urgency
behind mankind’s yearning for divine certainties. The real chasm was between the political
authority of the church and the individual authority of experience. And the real question was whether we are
to find our lost authorization through an apostolic succession from ancient
prophets who heard divine voices, or through searching the heavens of our own
experience right now in the objective world without any priestly intercession.
As we all know, the latter became
Protestantism and, in its rationalist aspect, what we have come to call the
Scientific Revolution.
If we would understand the Scientific Revolution correctly, we should
always remember that its most powerful impetus was the unremitting search for
hidden divinity. As such, it is a
direct descendant of the breakdown of the bicameral mind. In the late seventeenth century, to
choose an obvious example, it is three English Protestants, all amateur
theologians and fervently devout, who build the foundations for physics,
psychology, and biology: the paranoiac Isaac Newton writing down God’s speech in
the great universal laws of celestial gravitation; the gaunt and literal John
Locke knowing his Most Knowing Being in the riches of knowing experience; and
the peripatetic John Ray, an unkempt ecclesiastic out of a pulpit, joyfully
limning the Word of his Creator in the perfection of the design of animal and
plant life. Without this religious
motivation, science would have been mere technology, limping along on economic
necessity.
The next century is complicated by the rationalism of
the
435
Enlightenment, whose main force I shall come to in a moment. But in the great shadow of the
Enlightenment, science continued to be bound up in this spell of the search for
divine authorship. Its most
explicit statement came in what was called Deism, or in Germany,
Vernumftreligion. It threw
away the church’s “Word,” despised its priests, mocked altar and sacrament, and
earnestly preached the reaching of God through reason and science. The whole universe is an epiphany! God is right out here in Nature under the
stars to be talked with and heard brilliantly in all the grandeur of reason,
rather than behind the rood screens of ignorance in the murky mutterings of
costumed priests.
Not that such scientific deists were in universal agreement. For some, like the apostle-hating
Reimarus, the modern founder of the science of animal behavior, animal triebe
or drives were actually the thoughts of God and their perfect variety his
very mind. Whereas for others, like
the physicist Maupertuis, God cared little about any such meaningless variety of
phenomena; he lived only in pure abstractions, in the great general laws of
Nature which human reason, with the fine devotions of mathematics, could discern
behind such variety. [1] Indeed, the tough-minded materialist
scientist today will feel uncomfortable with the fact that science in such
divergent and various directions only two centuries ago was a religious
endeavor, sharing the same striving as the ancient psalms, the effort to once
again see the elohim “face to face.”
This drama, this immense scenario in which humanity has been performing
on this planet over the last 4000 years, is clear when we take the large
view of the central intellectual tendency of world history. In the second millennium B.C., we
stopped hearing the voices of gods. In the first millennium B.C.,
those of us who still heard the voices, our oracles and prophets, they
too
1. I discuss this more fully in my paper with William
Woodward, “In the Shadow of the Enlightenment,” Journal of the History of the
Behavioral Sciences, 1974, 10: 3-15, 144-159.
436
died away. In the first
millennium A.D., it is their sayings and hearings preserved in sacred
texts through which we obeyed our lost divinities. And in the second millennium A.D.,
these writings lose their authority. The Scientific Revolution turns us away
from the older sayings to discover the lost authorization in Nature. What we have been through in these last
four millennia is the slow inexorable profaning of our species. And in the last part of the second
millennium A.D., that process is apparently becoming complete. It is the Great Human Irony of our
noblest and greatest endeavor on this planet that in the quest for
authorization, in our reading of the language of God in Nature, we should read
there so clearly that we have been so mistaken.
This secularization of science, which is now a plain fact, is certainly
rooted in the French Enlightenment which I have just alluded to. But it became rough and earnest in 1842
in Germany in a famous manifesto by four brilliant young physiologists. They signed it like pirates, actually in
their own blood. Fed up with
Hegelian idealism and its pseudoreligious interpretations of material matters,
they angrily resolved that no forces other than common physicochemical ones
would be considered in their scientific activity. No spiritual entities. No divine substances. No vital forces. This was the most coherent and shrill
statement of scientific materialism up to that time. And enormously
influential.
Five years later, one of their group, the famous physicist and
psychologist Hermann von Helmholtz, proclaimed his Principle of the Conservation
of Energy. Joule had said it more
kindly, that “the Great Agents of Nature are indestructible,” that sea and sun
and coal and thunder and heat and wind are one energy and eternal. But Helmholtz abhorred the mush of the
Romantic. His mathematical
treatment of. the principle coldly placed the emphasis where it has been ever
since: there are no outside forces in our closed world of energy
transformations. There is no corner
437
in the stars for any god, no crack in this closed universe of matter for
any divine influence to seep through, none whatever.
All this might have respectfully stayed back simply as a mere working
tenet for Science, had it not been for an even more stunning profaning of the
idea of the holy in human affairs that followed immediately. It was particularly stunning because it
came from within the very ranks of religiously motivated science. In Britain since the seventeenth century,
the study of what was called “natural history” was commonly the consoling joy of
finding the perfections of a benevolent Creator in nature. What more devastation could be heaped
upon these tender motivations and consolations than the twin announcement by two
of their own midst, Darwin and Wallace, both amateur naturalists in the grand
manner, that it was evolution, not a divine intelligence, that has created all
nature. This too had been put
earlier in a kindlier way by others, such as Darwin’s grandfather, Erasmus
Darwin, or Lamarck, or Robert Chambers, or even in the exaltations of an Emerson
or a Goethe. But the new emphasis
was dazzling strong and unrelieving. Cold Uncalculating Chance, by making some
able to survive better in this wrestle for life, and so to reproduce more,
generation after generation, has blindly, even cruelly, carved this human
species out of matter, mere matter. When combined with German materialism, as
it was in the wantonly abrasive Huxley, as we saw in the Introduction to this
essay, the theory of evolution by natural selection was the hollowing knell of
all that ennobling tradition of man as the purposed creation of Majestic
Greatnesses, the elohim, that goes straight back into the unconscious depths of
the Bicameral Age. It said in a
word that there is no authorization from outside. Behold! there is nothing there. What we must do must come from ourselves.
The king at Eynan can stop staring
at Mount Hermon; the dead king can die at last. We, we fragile human species at the end
of the second millennium A.D., we must become our own authorization.
And here at the end of the second
millennium and about to enter the third, we are surrounded with this problem.
It is one
438
that the new millennium will be working out, perhaps slowly, perhaps
swiftly, perhaps even with some further changes in our
mentality.
The erosion of the religious view of man in these last years of the
second millennium is still a part of the breakdown of the bicameral mind. It is slowly working serious changes in
every fold and field of life. In
the competition for membership among religious bodies today, it is the older
orthodox positions, ritually closer to the long apostolic succession into the
bicameral past, that are most diminished by conscious logic. The changes in the Catholic Church since
Vatican II can certainly be scanned in terms of this long retreat from the
sacred which has followed the inception of consciousness into the human species.
The decay of religious collective
cognitive imperatives under the pressures of rationalist science, provoking, as
it does, revision after revision of traditional theological concepts, cannot
sustain the metaphoric meaning behind ritual. Rituals are behavioral metaphors, belief
acted, divination foretold, exopsychic thinking. Rituals are mnemonic devices for the
great narratizations at the heart of church life. And when they are emptied out into cults
of spontaneity and drained of their high seriousness, when they are acted unfelt
and reasoned at with irresponsible objectivity, the center is gone and the
widening gyres begin. The result in
this age of communications has been worldwide: liturgy loosened into the casual,
awe softening in relevance, and the washing out of that identity-giving
historical definition that told man what he was and what he should be. These sad temporizings, often begun by a
bewildered clergy, [2] do but encourage the great historical tide they
are designed to deflect. Our
paralogical compliance to verb-
2. Theologians are well aware èf these problems. To enter into their discussions, one
might start with Harvey Cox’s The Secular City and then Mary Douglas’
Natural Symbols, and then Charles Davis’ “Ghetto or Desert: Liturgy in a
Cultural Dilemma,” in Worship and Secularization, ed. Wiebe (Vos,
Holland: Bussum, 1970), pp. 10-27, and follow that with James Hitchcock’s The
Recovery of the Sacred (New York: Seabury Press,
1974).
439
ally mediated reality is diminished: we crash into chairs in our way, not
go around them; we will be mute rather than say we do not understand our speech;
we will insist on simple location. It is the divine tragedy or the profane
comedy depending on whether we would be purged of the past or quickened into the
future.
What happens in this modern dissolution of ecclesiastical authorization
reminds us a little of what happened long ago after the breakdown of the
bicameral mind itself. Everywhere
in the contemporary world there are substitutes, other methods of authorization.
Some are revivals of ancient ones:
the popularity of possession religions in South America, where the church had
once been so strong; extreme religious absolutism ego-based on “the Spirit,”
which is really the ascension of Paul over Jesus; an alarming rise in the
serious acceptance of astrology, that direct heritage from the period of the
breakdown of the bicameral mind in the Near East; or the more minor divination
of the I Ching, also a direct heritage from the period just after the
breakdown in China. There are also
the huge commercial and sometimes psychological successes of various meditation
procedures, sensitivity training groups, mind control, and group encounter
practices. Other persuasions often
seem like escapes from a new boredom of unbelief, but are also characterized by
this search for authorization: faiths in various pseudosciences, as in
scientology, or in unidentified flying objects bringing authority from other
parts of our universe, or that gods were at one time actually such visitors; or
the stubborn muddled fascination with extrasensory perception as a supposed
demonstration of a spiritual surround of our lives whence some authorization
might come; or the use of psychotropic drugs as ways of contacting profounder
realities, as they were for most of the American native Indian civilizations in
the breakdown of their bicameral mind. Just as we saw in III.2 that the collapse
of the institutionalized oracles resulted in smaller cults of induced
possession, so the waning of institutional religions is resulting in
these
440
smaller, more private religions of every description. And this historical process can be
expected to increase the rest of this century.
Nor can we say that modern science itself is exempt from a similar
patterning. For the modern
intellectual landscape is informed with the same needs, and often in its larger
contours goes through the same quasi-religious gestures, though in a slightly
disguised form. These scientisms,
as I shall call them, are clusters of scientific ideas which come together and
almost surprise themselves into creeds of belief, scientific mythologies which
fill the very felt void left by the divorce of science and religion in our
time. [3] They differ from
classical science and its common debates in the way they evoke the same response
as did the religions which they seek to supplant. And they share with religions many of
their most obvious characteristics: a rational splendor that explains
everything, a charismatic leader or succession of leaders who are highly visible
and beyond criticism, a series of canonical texts which are somehow outside the
usual arena of scientific criticism, certain gestures of idea and rituals of
interpretation, and a requirement of total commitment. In return the adherent receives what the
religions had once given him more universally: a world view, a hierarchy of
importances, and an auguring place where he may find out what to do and think,
in short, a total explanation of man. And this totality is obtained not by
actually explaining everything, but by an encasement of its activity, a severe
and absolute restriction of attention, such that everything that is not
explained is not in view.
The materialism I have just mentioned was one of the first such
scientisms. Scientists in the
middle of the nineteenth century were almost numbed with excitement by dramatic
discoveries of how nutrition could change the bodies and minds
of
3. George Steiner in his articulate Massey Lectures of
1974 called these “mythologies” and discussed the point at greater
length.
441
men. And so it became a
movement called Medical Materialism, identified with relieving poverty and pain,
taking to itself some of the forms and all of the fervor of the religions
eroding around it. It captured the
most exciting minds of its generation, and its program sounds distantly
familiar: education, not prayers; nutrition, not communion; medicine, not love;
and politics, not preaching.
Distantly familiar because Medical Materialism, still haunted with Hegel,
matured in Marx and Engels into dialectical materialism, gathering to itself
even more of the ecclesiastical forms of the outworn faiths around it. Its central superstition then, as now, is
that of the class struggle, a kind of divination which gives a total explanation
of the past and predecides what to do in every office and alarm of life. And even though ethnicism, nationalism,
and unionism, those collective identity markers of modern man, have long ago
showed the mythical character of the class struggle, still Marxism today is
joining armies of millions into battle to erect the most authoritarian states
the world has ever seen.
In the medical sciences, the most prominent scientism, I think, has been
psychoanalysis. Its central
superstition is repressed childhood sexuality. The handful of early cases of hysteria
which could be so interpreted become the metaphiers by which to understand all
personality and art, all civilization and its discontents. And it too, like Marxism, demands total
commitment, initiation procedures, a worshipful relation to its canonical
texts,, and gives in return that same assistance in decision and direction in
life which a few centuries ago was the province of
religion.
And, to take an example. closer to my own tradition, I will add
behaviorism. For it too has its
central auguring place in a handful of rat and pigeon experiments, making them
the metaphiers of all behavior and history. It too gives to the individual adherent
the talisman of control by reinforcement contingencies by which he is to meet
his world and understand its vagaries. And even though the radical
environmentalism behind it, of belief in a tabula rasa organism that can be
built up into anything by rein-
442
forcement has long been known to be questionable, given the biologically
evolved aptic structuring of each organism, these principles still draw
adherents into the hope of a new society based upon such
control.
Of course these scientisms about man begin with something that is true.
That nutrition can improve health
both of mind and body is true. The
class struggle as Marx studied it in the France of Louis Napoleon was a fact.
The relief of hysterical symptoms
in a few patients by analysis of sexual memories probably happened. And hungry animals or anxious men
certainly will learn instrumental responses for food or approbation. These are true facts. But so is the shape of a liver of a
sacrificed animal a true fact. And
so the Ascendants and Midheavens of astrologers, or the shape of oil on water.
Applied to the world as
representative of all the world, facts become superstitions. A superstition is after all only a
metaphier grown wild to serve a need to know. Like the entrails of animals or the
flights of birds, such scientistic superstitions become the preserved ritualized
places where we may read out the past and future of man, and hear the answers
that can authorize our actions.
Science then, for all its pomp of factness, is not unlike some of the
more easily disparaged outbreaks of pseudoreligions. In this period of transition from its
religious basis, science often shares with the celestial maps of astrology, or a
hundred other irrationalisms, the same nostalgia for the Final Answer, the One
Truth, the Single Cause. In the
frustrations and sweat of laboratories, it feels the same temptations to swarm
into sects, even as did the Khabiru refugees, and set out here and there through
the dry Sinais of parched fact for some rich and brave significance flowing with
truth and exaltation. And all of
this, my metaphor and all, is a part of this transitional period after the
breakdown of the bicameral mind.
And this essay is no exception.
443
Curiously, none of these contemporary movements tells us anything about
what we are supposed to be like after the wrinkles in our nutrition have been
ironed smooth, or “the withering away of the state” has occurred, or our libidos
have been properly cathected, or the chaos of reinforcements has been made
straight. Instead their allusion is
mostly backward, telling us what has gone wrong, hinting of some cosmic
disgrace, some earlier stunting of our potential. It is, I think, yet another
characteristic of the religious form which such movements have taken over in the
emptiness caused by the retreat of ecclesiastical certainty - that of a supposed
fall of man.
This strange and, I think, spurious idea of a lost innocence takes its
mark precisely in the breakdown of the bicameral mind as the first great
conscious narratization of mankind. It is the song of the Assyrian psalms,
the wail of the Hebrew hymns, the myth of Eden, the fundamental fall from divine
favor that is the source and first premise of the world’s great religions. I interpret this hypothetical fall of man
to be the groping of newly conscious men to narratize what has happened to them,
the loss of divine voices and assurances in a chaos of human directive and
selfish privacies.
We see this theme of lost certainty and splendor not only stated by all
the religions of man throughout history, but also again and again even in
nonreligious intellectual history. It is there from the reminiscence theory
of the Platonic Dialogues, that everything new is really a recalling of a
lost better world, all the way to Rousseau’s complaint of the corruption of
natural man by the artificialities of civilization. And we see it also in the modern
scientisms I have mentioned: in Marx’s assumption of a lost “social childhood of
mankind where mankind unfolds in complete beauty,” so clearly stated in his
earlier writings, an innocence corrupted by money, a paradise to be regained.
Or in the Freudian emphasis on the
deep-seatedness of neurosis in civilization and of dreadful primordial acts and
wishes in both
444
our racial and individual pasts; and by inference a previous innocence,
quite unspecified, to which we return through psychoanalysis. Or in behaviorism, if less distinctly, in
the undocumented faith that it is the chaotic reinforcements of development and
the social process that must be controlled and ordered to return man to a quite
unspecified ideal before these reinforcements had twisted his true nature
awry.
I therefore believe that these and many other movements of our time are
in the great long picture of our civilizations related to the loss of an earlier
organization of human natures. They
are attempts to return to what is no longer there, like poets to their
inexistent Muses, and as such they are characteristic of these transitional
millennia in which we are imbedded.
I do not mean that the individual thinker, the reader of this page or its
writer, or Galileo or Marx, is so abject a creature as to have any conscious
articulate willing to reach either the absolutes of gods or to return to a
preconscious innocence. Such terms
are meaningless applied to individual lives and removed from the larger context
of history. It is only if we make
generations our persons and centuries hours that the pattern is
clear.
As individuals we are at the mercies of our own collective imperatives.
We see over our everyday
attentions, our gardens and politics, and children, into the forms of our
culture darkly. And our culture is
our history. In our attempts to
communicate or to persuade or simply interest others, we are using and moving
about through cultural models among whose differences we may select, but from
whose totality we cannot escape. And it is in this sense of the forms of
appeal, of begetting hope or interest or appreciation or praise for ourselves or
for our ideas, that our communications are shaped into these historical
patterns, these grooves of persuasion which are even in the act of communication
an inherent part of what is communicated. And this essay is no
exception.
445
No exception at all. It
began in what seemed in my personal narratizations as an individual choice of a
problem with which I have had an intense involvement for most of my life: the
problem of the nature and origin of all this invisible country of touchless
rememberings and unshowable reveries, this introcosm that is more myself than
anything I can find in any mirror. But was this impulse to discover the
source of consciousness what it appeared to me? The very notion of truth is a culturally
given direction, a part of the pervasive nostalgia for an earlier certainty.
The very idea of a universal
stability, an eternal firmness of principle out there that can be sought
for through the world as might an Arthurian knight for the Grail, is, in the
morphology of history, a direct outgrowth of the search for lost gods in the
first two millennia after the decline of the bicameral mind. What was then an augury for direction of
action among the ruins of an archaic mentality is now the search for an
innocence of certainty among the mythologies of facts.
446